SCHOLARLY COMMUNICATION
Of Rajaram's 'Horses', 'decipherment', and
civilisational issues
Asko Parpola is Professor of Indology at the Department
of Asian and African Studies at the University of Helsinki. He is one of
the world's leading authorities on the Indus Civilisation and Indus script
and religion. He is the author of Deciphering t he Indus Script
(Cambridge University Press, 1994). His monumental Corpus of Indus
Seals and Inscriptions was published in two volumes in 1987 and 1991.
Parpola is a world expert on Jaiminiya Samaveda texts and rituals. His
other areas of expe rtise include the prehistory of Indian languages and
the prehistoric archaeology of South and Central Asia. Parpola contributed
this comment at the invitation of Frontline:
ASKO PARPOLA
India has a truly glorious past. It is sad that India's
heritage should be exploited by some individuals - usually people with
few, if any, academic credentials - who for political or personal motives
are ready even to falsify evidence. In order to vindi cate their ideology
and promote their own ends, these persons appeal to the feelings of the
'common man' who, with full reason, is proud of his or her country's grand
heritage. They suggest that this grandeur is denigrated by their
opponents, particularl y by foreign scholars. There is no need, however,
to twist the facts in order to establish the greatness of India's past. Of
all people, Indologists, including foreign Indologists, are among the
first to acknowledge and admire the great achievements of Indian
civilisation.
Michael Witzel and Steve Farmer have shown that
N.S.
Rajaram has no scruples in falsifying evidence to suit his claims. Thus
far Rajaram has got away with this dishonesty because the scholarly
community has not considered his work worthy of serious consi deration: it
has been taken more or less for granted that any sensible person can see
through this trash and recognise it as such. However, the escalation of
this nonsensical propaganda now demands that the issue be addressed.
Frontline has clearly exposed the untenability of Rajaram's
arguments.
Having been invited to comment on Rajaram's 'Horse II,' I would
like to point out just a few facts.
On the cover of Frontline, Seal M-18 from
Mohenjo-daro has been depicted four times larger than its natural size.
The Harappans were unable to see the fine details from which Rajaram
presumes to distinguish the head of a horse. The psychologist He rmann
Rorschach developed a projective technique to assess personality
characteristics in which the individual is presented with ambiguous charts
of ink blots, which he then interprets; different persons see different
things in them, as they see in the v arying patterns of clouds. In like
manner, Rajaram is looking for horses, and therefore sees them in patterns
where they do not actually exist. In this case, his interpretation of
certain details as a horse may seem to have some plausibility when an enla
rged photograph taken from a particular direction with particular lighting
is viewed, but the illusion disappears and the pattern intended by the
seal carver is clearly distinguished when we take a look at the impression
made with the seal. Rajaram's 'ho rse' is part of a composite Indus sign,
the last one of a three-sign inscription forming one line. The sign
consists of two elements. The upper, roof-like element occurs in several
other composite signs, while the lower element has so far been found in t
his seal alone.
The 'horse argument' is an important criterion in
determining the linguistic affinity of the founders of the Indus
Civilisation, as pointed out in my book Deciphering the Indus
Script (Cambridge University Press, 1994), and by Witzel and Farmer in
their Frontline article. In the Rigveda, the horse is an animal of
great cultural and religious significance, being mentioned hundreds of
times. Yet so far not a single representation of the horse has been found
on the thousands of seals or the n umerous terracotta figurines of the
Indus Civilisation, although many other animals, real and imaginary, were
depicted by the Harappans. Further, Richard H. Meadow, one the world's
best experts on ancient animal bones, assures us that not a single horse
bone has been securely identified from the Indus Valley or elsewhere in
South Asia before the end of the third millennium BCE, when the Indus
Civilisation collapsed. By contrast,
horse bones are found, and the horse
is depicted, just a few centuries later in the Indus Valley, in Gujarat
and in Maharashtra, suggesting that by that time speakers of Aryan (or
Indo-Iranian) languages had already entered South Asia, bringing with them
this animal that was venerated by all early Indo-European-speaking peoples
.
On the basis of new archaeological evidence from
Afghanistan and Pakistan, I am inclined to think that the infiltration of
small numbers of Aryan speakers to the Indus Valley and beyond started as
early as the last urban phase of the Indus Civilisation, from about the
21st century BCE onwards. (These Aryans were not yet those of the Rigveda,
who arrived a couple of centuries later.) The early Aryan-speaking
immigrants came through Central Asia from the Eurasiatic steppes, the
native habitat of the horse
and the region where it appears to have first been domesticated. As
demonstrated by H. H. Hock in his paper "Out of India? The linguistic
evidence," published in J. Bronkhorst and M. M. Deshpande (eds.), Aryan
and Non-Aryan in South Asia, Cambrid ge, Mass., 1999, it is impossible
to derive the Aryan or Indo-European languages from South Asia by valid
linguistic methods. In other words, it is untenable scientifically to
postulate a South Asian origin for these languages.
In my book, I have presented
numerous facts suggesting
that the Harappans mainly spoke a Dravidian language. The Harappans are
estimated to have totalled at least one million people, while the
primarily pastoralist Aryan-speaking immigrants could have nu mbered only
a small fraction of this.
Eventually, however, the language of the
minority prevailed over the majority. There are numerous parallels to such
a development.
Almost the whole continent of South America now speaks
Spanish or Portuguese, while the Native American ('Indian') languages
spoken there before the arrival of the European conquerors are about to
vanish. This linguistic change has taken place in 500 years, and was
initiated by just 300 well-armed adventurers.
In 400 years, the British managed to establish their language and culture
very widely in South Asia.
To conflate the identity of the Vedic and Harappan cultures and to deny
the external origin of Sanskrit and other Indo-Aryan languages is as
absurd as to claim, as Dayananda
Sarasvati did, that the railway trains and aeroplanes that were
introduced in
South Asia by the British in the 19th and 20th centuries had already been
invented by the Vedic Aryans.
It is sad that in South Asia, as elsewhere in the world,
linguistic and religious controversies are the cause of so much injustice
and suffering. We should remember that from the very beginning, Aryan and
non-Aryan languages and associated cultures, reli gions and peoples have
intermingled and have become inextricably mixed. Every element of the
population has contributed to the creation of Indian civilisation, and
every one of them deserves credit for it.
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